White House: still open to talks with Iran

June 9 (Reuters) – The White House said on Wednesday that the United States was still open to talks with Iran following fresh U.N. Security Council sanctions against the country over its nuclear program.

“The United States remains open to dialogue, but Iran must live up to its obligations and clearly demonstrate to the international community the peaceful nature of its nuclear activities,” the White House said in a statement.

The 15-nation council earlier passed a fourth round of sanctions against Iran over a nuclear program the West suspects is aimed at developing the means to build atom bombs. The resolution that was the product of five months of talks between the United States, Britain, France, Germany, China and Russia.

(Reporting by Alister Bull; Editing by Jackie Frank)

Iran opposition leader says new sanctions will hurt

New U.N. sanctions will hurt ordinary Iranians, opposition leader Mirhossein Mousavi said on Sunday, blaming the hardline government for provoking major world powers into action.

The five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council agreed a draft of new sanctions last week after months of pressure from the United States to punish Iran for nuclear activities that Washington says are aimed at making a bomb.

“In recent days, the issue of sanctions has been raised against our nation. Although we think this situation arose from tactless and adventurous foreign policies, we are against it because it will affect people’s lives,” Mousavi said in comments carried on his website Kaleme.

Mousavi, who lost to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in last June’s presidential election which the opposition leader says was rigged, said Iran was facing an economic crisis whose full impact has yet to be felt.

A 0.5 percentage point fall in GDP growth last year to 1.8 percent — according to IMF figures — was “like undergoing a massive attack by foreign enemies”, Mousavi said.

“The pressure of this fall is on entrepreneurs and it will be followed by a heavy unemployment and poverty … turning back towards the people is the only solution and then you will see that again there is a backdrop of hope,” he said.

Some Iran analysts say only major economic hardship could weaken Ahmadinejad’s tight grip on power.

The government stamped out massive opposition protests after the election, jailing thousands of people. It said post-election “riots” were backed by foreign powers hoping to unseat it.

Opposition leaders have called on supporters to take part in peaceful election anniversary rallies on June 12.

Later this year, the government will begin phasing out fuel and food subsidies, which may pose an inflation risk and could prove unpopular, although the policy includes direct cash payments to help people cope with higher prices.

(Editing by Maria Golovnina)

China says welcomes Iran nuclear fuel swap deal

China has welcomed a nuclear fuel swap plan that Iran announced after talks with Brazil and Turkey, urging negotiations over the deepening dispute with Tehran.

Iran agreed with Brazil and Turkey on Monday to send some of its uranium abroad, reviving a fuel swap plan drafted by the United Nations with the aim of keeping its nuclear activities in check.

But Iran made clear it had no intention of suspending domestic enrichment the West suspects is aimed at making bombs.

Western powers have already said the offer will not be enough to ease their worries about Iran. But Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi suggested his government was encouraged by the proposal and favours negotiations.

“China expresses its welcome (of the fuel swap plan)”, Yang said late on Monday while visiting Tunisia, Xinhua news agency said.

“China has noted the relevant reports and expresses its welcome and appreciation for the diplomatic efforts made by the parties involved to seek an appropriate solution to the Iran nuclear issue.”

China is among the world powers that have been discussing possible new U.N. sanctions against Iran over its disputed nuclear activities. It is one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, giving it the power to veto resolutions.

Yang’s published comments did not touch on whether China believes the nuclear fuel swap proposal means those sanctions discussions should be delayed. But he stressed that Beijing prefers a negotiated solution to the dispute.

China “believes that dialogue and negotiations should be the channels for resolving the Iran nuclear issue”, he said.

(Editing by Nick Macfie)

FACTBOX – Ties binding China and Iran

China has welcomed a nuclear fuel swap plan that Iran announced after talks with Brazil and Turkey, urging negotiations over the deepening dispute with Tehran.

Iran agreed with Brazil and Turkey on Monday to send some of its uranium abroad, reviving a fuel swap plan drafted by the United Nations with the aim of keeping its nuclear activities in check. But Iran made clear it had no intention of suspending domestic enrichment the West suspects is aimed at making bombs.

Here are key facts about ties between China and Iran.

IRAN A BIG OIL SUPPLIER, BUT NOT THE BIGGEST

Iran is a major supplier of crude oil to China, the world’s second-biggest consumer of oil after the United States. The U.S. has urged China to tap other suppliers.

In 2009, Iran was the third-biggest foreign source of crude oil to China, supplying 23.1 million metric tonnes, or 11.4 percent of China’s total crude imports. The biggest foreign crude sources for China were Angola and the top supplier Saudi Arabia.

CHINA’S ENERGY, TRADE STAKES IN IRAN

Trade between China and Iran has grown quickly, dominated by Iran’s energy exports. In 2005, bilateral trade was worth $10.1 billion. In 2009, it was worth $21.2 billion, though that was a fall of 23.6 percent from 2008, reflecting the financial crisis and the falling dollar value of oil.

In the first three months of 2010, bilateral trade grew by 47.4 percent compared with the same months last year, and China’s imports from and exports to Iran both grew strongly.

The main Chinese exports to Iran include machinery and equipment, motor vehicles, textiles and consumer goods.

China is an investor in Iranian oil and gas, and Chinese state-owned energy conglomerates have been exploring for new fields there, with an eye to expanding their stake.

China’s top energy group, CNPC, this year clinched a deal to develop phase 11 of Iran’s South Pars gas project and expand its operations in Iran.

In the oil sector, CNPC is already in a deal to develop Iran’s North Azadegan field into a 120,000-barrel per day field at a cost of at least $2 billion.

China’s Sinopec Group reached a $2 billion deal to develop Iran’s Yadavaran oil field in December 2007.

Industry sources have said China has also been selling gasoline to Iran, which lacks refining capacity to meet domestic demand. Chinese customs statistics do not record any recent shipments, which may go through intermediaries.

Chinese state company Chinaoil recently sold about 600,000 barrels of gasoline to Iran, despite proposals before the U.S. Congress for unilateral sanctions on fuel suppliers to Iran that have frightened off other companies.

CHINA A DIPLOMATIC PARTNER

China has kept close bilateral ties with Iran, but also backed past U.N. Security Council resolutions criticising Tehran’s stance on nuclear issues.

Western powers criticised the disputed election of June 2009 that kept President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in power and condemned subsequent violence and arrests directed at anti-government protests. China did not openly criticise the Iranian government.

In October last year, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told visiting First Vice President Mohammad Reza Rahimi that his government wanted to “maintain high-level contacts” with Tehran.

CHINA WORRIED BY NUCLEAR PLANS, BUT WANTS TALK, NOT SANCTIONS

China’s support for Iran is not unreserved. Beijing wants to cast itself as a supporter of nuclear non-proliferation and has voted for past U.N. Security Council resolutions pressuring Iran.

But Chinese diplomats often say sanctions are not the “fundamental solution” to the Iran nuclear dispute, and they want more attention given to negotiations.

Beijing has followed a pattern of approving U.N. decisions critical of Tehran, but resisting sanctions that could hurt its energy and economic ties with Iran.

In July 2006, China backed U.N. Security Council Resolution 1696 that threatened sanctions on Iran, and in December of the same year it supported Resolution 1737, which imposed sanctions on Iranian nuclear imports and exports.

It supported two further resolutions, one in 2007 which broadened the sanctions to cover a ban on Iranian arms exports, and another in 2008 which criticised Iran for refusing to suspend uranium enrichment.

The five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council as well as Germany are negotiating a proposed new resolution about Iran that could impose fresh sanctions.

Iran is likely to be discussed next week in Beijing, when senior Chinese and U.S. officials gather for a strategic dialogue. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will attend.

(Sources: Reuters; Chinese Monthly Exports & Imports; U.S. Energy Information Administration http://www.eia.doe.gov; Chinese Ministry of Commerce http://www.mofcom.gov.cn; United Nations http://www.un.org/; John Garver, Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann Leverett, “Moving (Slightly) Closer to Iran: China’s Shifting Calculus for Managing Its ‘Persian Gulf Dilemma”) (Reporting by Chris Buckley; Editing by Nick Macfie)

Iran says it warned off U.S. plane near manoeuvres

Iran’s military warned off a U.S. reconnaissance aircraft trying to approach Iranian naval manoeuvres, Fars News Agency reported on Tuesday.

The incident involving the two old foes happened on Monday, the semi-official news agency quoted the armed forces chief as saying.

Iran’s navy last week launched eight days of exercises in the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, in a region crucial for global oil supplies.

“A U.S. reconnaissance aircraft which had intended to approach our operational war games left … upon the timely warning of our air defence forces,” Fars quoted army commander Ataollah Salehi as saying.

He was speaking to reporters as the military test-fired two surface-to-sea missiles in the Gulf of Oman, it added.

There was no immediate U.S. comment on the report.

U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates said last week Iran was challenging U.S. naval power in the Middle East with an array of offensive and defensive weapons.

Salehi said: “It’s past the epoch when America would change the regime in a country by just dispatching a warship.”

Iran’s latest manoeuvres coincide with rising tension between Iran and the West, which says Tehran’s nuclear work is aimed at making bombs. Iran denies this.

The United States is pushing for a fourth round of U.N. sanctions on the Islamic state over its refusal to halt sensitive nuclear activities as demanded by the U.N. Security Council.

Iran often announces advances in its military capabilities and tests weaponry in an apparent attempt to show its readiness for any strikes by Israel or the United States.

REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS

In exercises held in the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz between April 22 and 25, official media said the elite Revolutionary Guards tested missiles and a new speedboat capable of destroying enemy ships.

The Pentagon last month said U.S. military action against Iran remained an option even as Washington pursues diplomacy and sanctions to halt the country’s atomic activities.

Israel, widely believed to have the Middle East’s only atomic arsenal, has described Iran’s nuclear programme as a threat to its existence and has not ruled out military action.

Iran, a predominantly Shi’ite Muslim state, has said it would respond to any attack by targeting U.S. interests in the region and Israel, as well as closing the Strait of Hormuz.

About 40 percent of the world’s traded oil leaves the Gulf region through the strategic narrows.

Salehi said foreign forces had received the message sent by the manoeuvres, saying this was shown by the fact that their war ships kept a distance of about 300-400 km from the drills. He did not specify whether he was referring to U.S. vessels.

Iran was “very serious about the protection of its interests,” the armed forces chief added.

(Additional reporting by Hossein Jaseb; writing by Fredrik Dahl; Editing by Charles Dick)

Iran Revolutionary Guards hold “major” Gulf exercise

Iran’s elite Revolutionary Guards began three days of large-scale war games in the Gulf and Strait of Hormuz on Thursday, state television reported.

The military manoeuvres, in a waterway crucial for global crude supplies, coincided with rising tension between Iran and the West, which fears Tehran’s nuclear programme is aimed at developing bombs. Iran denies the charge.

On Wednesday, the Pentagon said U.S. military action against Iran remained an option even as Washington pursues diplomacy and sanctions to halt the Islamic Republic’s atomic activities.

Iran’s armed forces often hold drills in an apparent bid to show their readiness to deter any military action by Israel or the United States, its arch foes.

State Press TV said Iran had begun the exercise in the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz “to show off its defensive capabilities and its determination to maintain security” in the region.

The Guards’ naval, air and ground forces were taking part in the “major drill that seeks to display Iran’s constructive and determined military power in establishing security in the strategic region”, the English-language station said.

It said new weapon systems would be demonstrated during the exercise, but gave no details.

The United States is pushing for a fourth round of U.N. sanctions on Tehran over its refusal to halt sensitive nuclear activities as demanded by the U.N. Security Council, including proposed moves against members of the Guards.

Israel, widely believed to have the Middle East’s only atomic arsenal, has described Iran’s nuclear programme as a threat to its existence. Although it says it wants a diplomatic solution, Washington also has not ruled out military action.

Iran, a predominantly Shi’ite Muslim state, has said it would respond to any attack by targeting U.S. interests in the region and Israel, as well as closing the Strait of Hormuz.

About 40 percent of the world’s traded oil leaves the Gulf region through the strategic narrows.

(Writing by Fredrik Dahl; editing by Michael Roddy)

Mideast peace would thwart Iran ambitions – Obama aide

President Barack Obama’s administration said on Wednesday that progress toward Middle East peace would help thwart Iran’s ambitions by preventing it from “cynically” using the conflict to divert attention from its nuclear program.

Drawing an explicit link between Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts and Washington’s drive to isolate Iran, Obama’s national security adviser, Jim Jones, urged bold steps to revive long-stalled Middle East negotiations.

U.S. officials hope that shared Arab-Israeli concerns about Iran can be exploited to spur old foes to help advance Israeli-Palestinian peace and restrain Tehran’s nuclear activities and rising influence in the region.

Jones coupled an appeal to Israel and its Arab neighbours to take risks for peace with a warning to Iran that it would face “real consequences” for its nuclear defiance. Obama is leading a push to tighten U.N. sanctions on Tehran.

“One of the ways that Iran exerts influence in the Middle East is by exploiting the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict,” Jones told the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

“Advancing this peace would … help prevent Iran from cynically shifting attention away from its failures to meet its obligations,” he said.

The Israeli government, locked in a dispute with the United States over Jewish settlement policy, has made clear it sees confronting Iran as more of a security priority for Washington, and Middle East peace should be handled on a separate track.

Jones — while voicing disappointment over the failure to jumpstart U.S.-sponsored indirect peace talks — insisted progress toward peace is a U.S. interest as well.

That seemed to echo Obama’s assertion last week that a two-state solution to the decades-old conflict was “a vital national security interest,” adding to speculation that he was considering his own broad peace proposal.

U.S.-ISRAELI BOND “UNBREAKABLE”

While acknowledging disagreements with Israel, Jones said the U.S. commitment to its ally was “unbreakable.”

“There is no space — no space — between the United States and Israel when it comes to Israel’s security,” he said.

Still, he urged all sides “to avoid provocative actions, including Israeli actions in East Jerusalem and Palestinians’ incitement that fuels suspicion rather than trust.”

Jones reasserted that Washington is “determined to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons,” saying U.S. efforts are aimed at “avoiding a nuclear arms race in the region and the proliferation of nuclear technology to terrorist organizations.”

Israel is the only assumed nuclear weapons power in the Middle East. Western powers accuse Tehran of seeking to develop a bomb, but it insists its nuclear activities are peaceful.

The Obama administration’s Middle East peace moves have been stymied by a dispute over Jewish settlement construction in and around Jerusalem and by divisions among the Palestinians.

Washington has tried to get Israel and the Palestinians to launch “proximity” talks but has made scant headway. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave little ground in White House talks with Obama last month.

(Additional reporting by Phil Stewart; editing by Chris Wilson)

U.S. and China ties grow closer

(Reuters) – Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to Washington for a nuclear security summit this week is the latest sign of a warming in relations with President Barack Obama’s administration that looks set to continue in the months ahead.

The two leaders, who hold a one-on-one meeting on the sidelines of the summit on Monday, are expected to work more closely this year on a range of issues, including Iran’s nuclear ambitions, military cooperation and North Korea.

Beijing may also be close to revaluing its yuan currency and unveiling a long-awaited shift in its foreign exchange regime. Washington has argued that it is in the interest of China, and the world, to let the yuan strengthen.

U.S.-Chinese relations have improved rapidly since April after months of disputes over China’s currency and Internet controls, U.S. arms sales to Taiwan and Obama’s meeting with the Dalai Lama at the White House.

“China reacted maybe a bit tougher rhetorically than in the past and than we had expected,” said Bonnie Glaser, a China expert and senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

But she added, “The reaction was limited primarily to rhetoric,” with China, for example, threatening to impose sanctions on U.S. goods, but never actually moving to do so.

After weeks of coyness, Beijing announced on April 1 that Hu would attend the two-day nuclear security summit.

Days later, Washington said it would delay a report that could have labeled China a currency manipulator.

“The relationship with the Chinese goes up and goes down,” said J.J. Ong, an Asia expert at the House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee. “There are cycles to it.”

Hu and Obama had an extended telephone conversation on April 1 in which Obama urged Hu to help ratchet up pressure on Iran over its nuclear activities, after China agreed to join serious talks about possible new U.N. sanctions on Tehran.

“I think what we’ve seen throughout the year is that at important junctures, the president’s bilateral meetings and conversations with these leaders helps kind of move things forward,” Ben Rhodes, deputy national security adviser for strategic communications, told reporters this week.

“Our view from the beginning has been is that if you really want to broaden the ability to isolate Iran and to affect its cost-benefit analysis as it relates to their continued failure to live up to their obligations, that you needed to bring in a broader coalition, and that Russia and China would be important parts of that effort,” he said.

‘IT WON’T BE ROSY’

Analysts said they would be looking for more from China on Iranian sanctions, a resumption of U.S.-Chinese military cooperation and signs of whether China can help bring North Korea back to six-party talks seeking to end Pyongyang’s nuclear ambitions in exchange for aid.

“It won’t be rosy. If we can manage the currency issue, and Iran and North Korea — by manage, I do mean manage, and not solve — then I think that we will at least build some sort of a track record of some positive accomplishments between our two countries,” Glaser said.

Hu is also expected to make a state visit to Washington later this year, to return Obama’s visit last November, and U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates may visit China.

“Tensions are down and both sides are stressing the positive,” said Kenneth Lieberthal, director of the John L. Thornton China Center at the Brookings Institution.

At the center of the strategy is the administration’s ability to keep global issues central to the Washington-Beijing relationship, separate from disputes over trade and currency between the United States and its largest creditor.

“If the Chinese had really high expectations with Obama coming into office, after what he said about it being one of the most important bilateral relationships and elevating strategic dialogue to show the importance China has in U.S. foreign policy, invariably they were going to be disappointed when the U.S. sold weapons to Taiwan or met with the Dalai Lama or criticized the Chinese human rights record,” said Walter Lohman, head of Asian studies at the Heritage Foundation.

No one expects economic issues to go away.

Washington must still issue the hotly anticipated currency report, and the White House is under pressure from Congress to name China a currency manipulator. The Obama administration is generally expected to bring other countries into its effort to push China on the yuan, which may be a theme at the G20 summit in Canada in June.

“Looking back next year, my guess is if there is seen to be a major problem in U.S.-China relations during the course of 2010 … it will be the trade relationship,” Lieberthal said.

He said the issue was a potent one politically, especially with U.S. congressional elections in November. A combination of high U.S. unemployment and the huge U.S. trade deficit has made China an easy target, and put pressure on Obama to get tough with Beijing on trade and currency issues.

“It (the currency issue) is clear and simple and therefore politically powerful,” Lieberthal said.

(Additional reporting by Paul Eckert; Editing by Peter Cooney)

Factbox: Ties binding China and Iran

(Reuters) – The United States has welcomed China’s decision to join talks about proposed new sanctions on Iran over its nuclear activities, but Beijing has been quiet about how far it may go in backing possible sanctions.

World | Barack Obama | China

Here are key facts about ties between China and Iran.

IRAN A BIG OIL SUPPLIER, BUT NOT THE BIGGEST

Iran is a major foreign supplier of crude oil to China, the world’s second-biggest consumer of oil after the United States. The U.S. has urged China to turn to other suppliers.

In 2009, Iran was the third-biggest foreign source of crude oil to China, supplying 23.1 million metric tonnes of crude, or 11.4 percent of China’s total crude imports.

But in the first two months of 2010, China imported 2.53 million tonnes of Iranian crude, a drop of 37.2 percent compared to the first two months of 2009.

That made Iran the fourth-ranked foreign source of crude for China so far this year, behind Russia, Angola and top supplier, Saudi Arabia. Analysts have said China’s reduced imports of Iranian oil may be a blip reflecting market factors, not political considerations.

CHINA’S ENERGY, TRADE STAKES IN IRAN

Trade between China and Iran has grown quickly, dominated by Iran’s energy exports. In 2005, bilateral trade was worth $10.1 billion. In 2009, it was worth $21.2 billion, though that was a fall of 23.6 percent from 2008, reflecting the financial crisis and the falling dollar value of oil.

China’s exports to Iran in 2009 were worth $7.9 billion, a decline of 3.0 percent from 2008. Main Chinese exports to Iran include machinery and equipment, motor vehicles, textiles and consumer goods.

China is an investor in Iranian oil and gas, and Chinese state-owned energy conglomerates have been exploring for new fields there, with an eye to expanding their stake.

China’s top energy group, CNPC, this year clinched a deal to develop phase 11 of Iran’s South Pars gas project and expand its operations in Iran.

In the oil sector, CNPC is already in a deal to develop Iran’s North Azadegan field into a 120,000-barrel per day field at a cost of at least $2 billion.

China’s Sinopec Group reached a $2 billion deal to develop Iran’s Yadavaran oil field in December 2007.

Industry sources have said China has also been selling gasoline to Iran, which lacks refining capacity to meet domestic demand. Chinese customs statistics do not record any shipments, which may go through intermediaries.

CHINA A DIPLOMATIC PARTNER

China has kept close bilateral ties with Iran, but also backed past U.N. Security Council resolutions criticizing Tehran’s stance on nuclear issues.

Western powers criticized the disputed election of June 2009 that kept President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in power and condemned subsequent violence and arrests directed at anti-government protests. China did not openly criticize the Iranian government.

In October last year, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told the visiting First Vice President of Iran, Mohammad Reza Rahimi, that his government wanted to “maintain high-level contacts” with Tehran.

CHINA WORRIED BY NUCLEAR PLANS, BUT WANTS TALK, NOT SANCTIONS

China’s support for Iran is not unreserved. Beijing wants to cast itself as a responsible supporter of nuclear non-proliferation and has voted for previous U.N. Security Council resolutions pressuring Iran.

But Chinese diplomats often say sanctions are not the “fundamental solution” to the Iran nuclear dispute, and they want more focus on negotiations.

Beijing has followed a pattern of approving U.N. decisions critical of Tehran, but resisting sanctions that could hurt its energy and economic ties with Iran.

In July 2006, China backed U.N. Security Council Resolution 1696 that threatened sanctions on Iran, and in December of the same year it supported Resolution 1737, which imposed sanctions on Iranian nuclear imports and exports.

It supported two further resolutions, one in 2007 which broadened the sanctions to cover a ban on Iranian arms exports, and another in 2008 which criticized Iran for refusing to suspend uranium enrichment.

In November 2009, China supported a resolution by the International Atomic Energy Agency board of governors that criticized Iran for secretive uranium enrichment activities.

(Sources: Reuters; Chinese Monthly Exports & Imports, December 2009; U.S. Energy Information Administration www.eia.doe.gov; Chinese Ministry of Commerce www.mofcom.gov.cn; United Nations www.un.org/; John Garver, Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann Leverett, “Moving (Slightly) Closer to Iran: China’s Shifting Calculus for Managing Its ‘Persian Gulf Dilemma”)

(Editing by Sanjeev Miglani)

Iran says sanctions not to stop nuclear work-agency

TEHRAN, April 2 (Reuters) – International sanctions will not prevent Iran from pursuing its nuclear activities, said the country’s top nuclear negotiator on Friday, the official IRNA news agency reported.

“Iranians are familiar with sanctions … We consider sanctions as opportunities … We will continue our (nuclear) path more decisively,” Saeed Jalili was quoted by IRNA as saying in China.

The West accuses Iran of covertly trying to build nuclear weapons. Iran says its nuclear power is aimed at generating electricity.

The United States and its European allies want to curb the Islamic state’s nuclear activities and are pushing for new U.N.-backed sanctions against Tehran.

China, a veto-wielding member of the United Nations Security Council, has for months fended off the calls to back sanctions.

Jalili flew to Beijing on Thursday to hold talks with Chinese officials. Iran is a major oil supplier to China. (Writing by Parisa Hafezi; Editing by Jon Boyle)

Iran says sanctions not to stop nuclear work-agency

TEHRAN, April 2 (Reuters) – International sanctions will not prevent Iran from pursuing its nuclear activities, said the country’s top nuclear negotiator on Friday, the official IRNA news agency reported.

“Iranians are familiar with sanctions … We consider sanctions as opportunities … We will continue our (nuclear) path more decisively,” Saeed Jalili was quoted by IRNA as saying in China. (Writing by Parisa Hafezi; Editing by Jon Boyle)

Factbox: Ties binding China and Iran

(Reuters) – The United States has welcomed China’s decision to join talks about proposed new sanctions on Iran over its nuclear activities, but Beijing has been quiet about how far it may go in backing possible sanctions.

World | Barack Obama | China

Here are key facts about ties between China and Iran.

IRAN A BIG OIL SUPPLIER, BUT NOT THE BIGGEST

Iran is a major foreign supplier of crude oil to China, the world’s second-biggest consumer of oil after the United States. The U.S. has urged China to turn to other suppliers.

In 2009, Iran was the third-biggest foreign source of crude oil to China, supplying 23.1 million metric tonnes of crude, or 11.4 percent of China’s total crude imports.

But in the first two months of 2010, China imported 2.53 million tonnes of Iranian crude, a drop of 37.2 percent compared to the first two months of 2009.

That made Iran the fourth-ranked foreign source of crude for China so far this year, behind Russia, Angola and top supplier, Saudi Arabia. Analysts have said China’s reduced imports of Iranian oil may be a blip reflecting market factors, not political considerations.

CHINA’S ENERGY, TRADE STAKES IN IRAN

Trade between China and Iran has grown quickly, dominated by Iran’s energy exports. In 2005, bilateral trade was worth $10.1 billion. In 2009, it was worth $21.2 billion, though that was a fall of 23.6 percent from 2008, reflecting the financial crisis and the falling dollar value of oil.

China’s exports to Iran in 2009 were worth $7.9 billion, a decline of 3.0 percent from 2008. Main Chinese exports to Iran include machinery and equipment, motor vehicles, textiles and consumer goods.

China is an investor in Iranian oil and gas, and Chinese state-owned energy conglomerates have been exploring for new fields there, with an eye to expanding their stake.

China’s top energy group, CNPC, this year clinched a deal to develop phase 11 of Iran’s South Pars gas project and expand its operations in Iran.

In the oil sector, CNPC is already in a deal to develop Iran’s North Azadegan field into a 120,000-barrel per day field at a cost of at least $2 billion.

China’s Sinopec Group reached a $2 billion deal to develop Iran’s Yadavaran oil field in December 2007.

Industry sources have said China has also been selling gasoline to Iran, which lacks refining capacity to meet domestic demand. Chinese customs statistics do not record any shipments, which may go through intermediaries.

CHINA A DIPLOMATIC PARTNER

China has kept close bilateral ties with Iran, but also backed past U.N. Security Council resolutions criticizing Tehran’s stance on nuclear issues.

Western powers criticized the disputed election of June 2009 that kept President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in power and condemned subsequent violence and arrests directed at anti-government protests. China did not openly criticize the Iranian government.

In October last year, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told the visiting First Vice President of Iran, Mohammad Reza Rahimi, that his government wanted to “maintain high-level contacts” with Tehran.

CHINA WORRIED BY NUCLEAR PLANS, BUT WANTS TALK, NOT SANCTIONS

China’s support for Iran is not unreserved. Beijing wants to cast itself as a responsible supporter of nuclear non-proliferation and has voted for previous U.N. Security Council resolutions pressuring Iran.

But Chinese diplomats often say sanctions are not the “fundamental solution” to the Iran nuclear dispute, and they want more focus on negotiations.

Beijing has followed a pattern of approving U.N. decisions critical of Tehran, but resisting sanctions that could hurt its energy and economic ties with Iran.

In July 2006, China backed U.N. Security Council Resolution 1696 that threatened sanctions on Iran, and in December of the same year it supported Resolution 1737, which imposed sanctions on Iranian nuclear imports and exports.

It supported two further resolutions, one in 2007 which broadened the sanctions to cover a ban on Iranian arms exports, and another in 2008 which criticized Iran for refusing to suspend uranium enrichment.

In November 2009, China supported a resolution by the International Atomic Energy Agency board of governors that criticized Iran for secretive uranium enrichment activities.

(Sources: Reuters; Chinese Monthly Exports & Imports, December 2009; U.S. Energy Information Administration www.eia.doe.gov; Chinese Ministry of Commerce www.mofcom.gov.cn; United Nations www.un.org/; John Garver, Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann Leverett, “Moving (Slightly) Closer to Iran: China’s Shifting Calculus for Managing Its ‘Persian Gulf Dilemma”)

(Editing by Sanjeev Miglani)

Q+A – Where does China stand on Iran sanctions?

Iran’s top nuclear negotiator is heading to China for talks on Thursday as Western governments become increasingly confident that Beijing will back sanctions against Iran over its disputed nuclear activities.

WHAT IS CHINA’S GENERAL POSITION ON SANCTIONS?

China has long said sanctions are not an effective tool to solve diplomatic disputes, and its diplomats have often repeated that line in answering questions about Iran.

That position partly reflects Beijing’s resentment of Western sanctions it has faced, especially after the 1989 armed crackdown on pro-democracy protests around Tiananmen Square.

It also chimes with China’s stance of “non-interference” in other nations’ domestic affairs, a position that has often amounted to wanting to insulate its economic interests from diplomatic disputes.

But Beijing has backed previous rounds of U.N. sanctions against North Korea and Iran over their disputed nuclear activities. China this year also threatened to put unilateral sanctions on U.S. firms selling weapons to Taiwan, the self-ruled island that Beijing claims as its own.

Since the 1990s, China has cast itself as a responsible supporter of nuclear non-proliferation safeguards.

That desire to be a respected global player and not be isolated from dominant international opinion could weigh in favour of China allowing fresh sanctions against Iran, especially with Russia indicating it may back sanctions.

HOW WILL CHINA HANDLE THE NEW SANCTIONS PUSH AGAINST IRAN?

China is one of five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council with the power to veto any proposed resolution.

While Beijing sometimes abstains from Security Council votes on decisions it dislikes, it is much less willing to use its veto and risk diplomatic isolation, especially if fellow Security Council member Russia backs a resolution.

China is more likely to use its influence to draw out negotiations on sanctions and try to thwart any measures that could threaten its energy and economic ties with Iran, as it has done before.

In July 2006, China backed U.N. Security Council Resolution 1696 that threatened sanctions on Iran, and in December of the same year it supported Resolution 1737, which imposed sanctions on Iranian nuclear imports and exports.

It supported two further resolutions, one in 2007 which broadened the sanctions to cover a ban on Iranian arms exports, and another in 2008 which criticised Iran for refusing to suspend uranium enrichment.

Each time, however, Beijing has worked to rein in Western demands for tougher restrictions on Tehran.

A draft sanctions document circulated by Western powers a few weeks ago proposes restricting more Iranian banks abroad, but does not call for sanctions against Iran’s oil and gas industries.

WHY IS CHINA OPPOSED TO STRICT ECONOMIC SANCTIONS?

Beijing sees Iran as an important oil supplier and trade partner and as a major strategic actor in the Middle East, where China is buying growing volumes of oil. There is scant chance of China risking those ties by backing expansive economic sanctions.

China is the world’s No. 2 crude oil consumer, behind the United States. Iran has the world’s second-largest crude oil reserves, but needs investment to develop them.

In 2009, Iran was China’s third biggest source of imported crude oil. But in the first two months of 2010, China imported 2.53 million metric tonnes of Iranian crude oil, a drop of 37.2 percent compared to the first two months of 2009.

That made Iran the fourth-ranked foreign source of crude for China so far this year, behind Russia, Angola and top supplier, Saudi Arabia.

China is also an investor in Iranian oil and gas, and Chinese state-owned energy conglomerates have been exploring for new fields there, with an eye to expanding their stake.

Industry sources have said China has been selling gasoline to Iran, which lacks refining capacity to meet domestic demand. Chinese customs statistics do not record any shipments, which may go through intermediaries.

(Editing by Sanjeev Miglani)

G8 ministers call for strong measures against Iran

Foreign ministers from the Group of Eight leading industrial nations will call on the international community to take “appropriate and strong steps” to show its resolve over Iran’s nuclear activities.

A draft of the final communique also said the G8 remained open to dialogue with Tehran, which denies widespread western charges that it is seeking to make atomic weapons.

The G8 ministers will end a two-day meeting in Canada on Tuesday. A copy of the communique, dated Monday, was shown to Reuters.

The document is the latest step in a campaign of pressure by many of the world’s most powerful nations to force Iran to comply with demands from the U.N. Security Council and cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Iran insists its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

“Iran’s continued noncompliance with its United Nations Security Council and IAEA obligations regarding its nuclear program is of serious concern to G8 ministers,” said the final communique.

“Ministers agreed to remain open to dialogue and also reaffirmed the need for the international community to take appropriate and strong steps to demonstrate … resolve to uphold the international nuclear nonproliferation regime.”

The draft did not mention the word “sanctions”.

The three Western members of the Security Council — the United States, France and Britain — along with Germany have been pushing hard for a new round of sanctions against Iran.

Russia has been less enthusiastic but has recently signalled it may come on board. But China, which enjoys close economic links to Iran, has repeatedly said that the world needs more time to find a diplomatic solution to the standoff.

Earlier on Monday, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton played down fears China was out of step with the other permanent members of the Security Council on the question of imposing more sanctions.

UNIFIED GROUP

“China is part of the consultative group that has been unified all along the way, which has made it very clear that a nuclear-armed Iran is not acceptable to the international community,” Clinton told Canada’s CTV in an interview.

The White House issued a brief statement late on Monday saying President Barack Obama had met with the new Chinese envoy to Washington and told him the United States wanted to develop a positive relationship with Beijing.

Momentum for new sanctions has gathered steam since Tehran rejected an offer of a nuclear fuel swap deal that would have been brokered by the IAEA.

U.S. Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg, speaking to reporters in Washington, said the United States was increasingly encouraged by the signs coming from Beijing.

“We’ve had a recognition by our Chinese counterparts of the danger of the Iranian nuclear program and the fact that there does not seem to be a willingness (by) the Iranians to take the very generous offer,” he said.

The G8 meeting was also expected to take up other issues including the impasse over North Korea’s nuclear program, nuclear nonproliferation, and the threat posed by extremist groups — underscored by Monday’s suicide suicide bomb attacks that killed 38 in Moscow metro stations.

The G8 ministers released a statement strongly condemning the “cowardly terrorist attacks” and calling for those responsible to be brought to justice.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told the Interfax news agency that militants operating on the Afghan-Pakistan border may have helped organize the Moscow attacks.

Clinton told CTV that overall there was a connection between most of the terror attacks around the world.

“They get encouragement from each other, they exchange training, explosives, information,” Clinton said, while saying she did not know the details of the Moscow incident.

(Additional reporting by Paul Eckert and Deborah Charles in Washington and Conor Humphries in Moscow, editing by Philip Barbara)
David Ljunggren and Andrew Quinn

SCENARIOS – Global impact if Israel strikes Iran

If Israel were to strike Iran over its nuclear activities, markets would be watching one thing only – Iran’s response.

The scale of that response could be the difference between a brief spike in oil prices and pushing the world back to economic crisis.

Below are possible scenarios together with projected potential market reactions suggested by analysts, economists and foreign policy strategists.

NO IMMEDIATE REACTION

Tehran announces that Israel’s military attacked civilian locations but inflicted little damage. It hurls furious rhetoric at Israel but stops short of any military response.

“It may make sense for the Iranians to play the victim,” said IHS Global Insight Middle East analyst Gala Riani. “They may also use it to build the regime’s legitimacy internally.”

– news of the strike would see oil prices spike $10-$20 and wider investor flight to safer assets such as U.S. treasuries, while equities and risky currencies would suffer. But without further action, sentiment would recover.

– relatively used to conflict, Israeli markets might prove more resilient to the initial news. Some analysts suggest that a successful strike that significantly put back an Iranian nuclear programme could be positive for Israeli markets.

Key unknowns:

– assessing the effectiveness of an attack on Iranian facilities could prove almost impossible. The longer-term impact of the strikes on Iran’s internal politics, regional politics and Western support for Israel would be hard to predict.

– can Israel achieve its aims with a single strike, or would it require a more sustained operation potentially lasting several days and hitting markets much harder?

PROXY RETALIATION

Iran steers clear of any overt response, but backs intensifying attacks by Hamas from the Palestinian territories and by Hezbollah from Lebanon. It might also back proxy attacks on Western forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.

“The most likely response would be to increase their subversive activity across the Middle East,” said IHS’s Riani. “It would most likely be focused in Palestine, Lebanon and to a lesser extent around the Gulf.”

– might have some short-term impact on oil prices — particularly if the attacks included Iraq — but generally global markets would be little affected.

– Israeli markets would likely take initial attacks in their stride, but a prolonged campaign would drag on the economy, driving up defence spending and undermining markets as they did during the Palestinian Intifada.

Key unknowns:

– the duration of increased violence. Proxy violence could escalate to include militant attacks on Western and oil targets.

– If Hezbollah strikes Israel, Israel will retaliate in a way that quickly expands the conflict. Israel has threatened to hold the governments of Lebanon and Syria responsible for any Hezbollah attacks.

MISSILES STRIKE ISRAEL

Iran retaliates by launching ballistic missiles with conventional warheads. While more accurate than the Scuds launched by Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein at Israel during the 1991 Gulf War, damage from each strike would be limited.

“It’s certainly not something you can rule out,” said Metsa Rahimi, intelligence analyst for risk consultancy Janusian. “The Iranians are going to want to retaliate. But they know if they do this, they are going to get hit back again.”

– oil prices would certainly spike higher, although attacks on Israeli cities would not directly have any impact on oil production. Wider global markets would sell off and watch nervously for any further escalation.

– Israeli markets might again prove more resilient. They actually rallied in January 1991 during the missile attacks as it became clear the strikes were not chemical and not causing significant damage. Much would depend on the level of damage and for how long any missile barrage continued.

Key unknowns:

– Israeli and Western reaction. Would there be further retaliation? Would weapons used remain conventional?

– Would Israel strike military targets and civilian infrastructure in Iran, possibly including oil facilities? That would push-up prices and force primary customer China to look for supplies elsewhere.

CLOSING HORMUZ

Iran makes good its threat to close the Straits of Hormuz to traffic, blocking the flow of some 17 million barrels a day of oil, roughly 40 percent of all seaborne oil trade — but likely inviting swift retaliation from United States forces.

“Iran doesn’t even need to be successful in their threat,” said Michael Wittner, global head of energy research at Societe Generale. “Even a credible threat or near miss and insurance rates will spike. Then no one’s going to send any oil through there for a couple of weeks until somebody’s navy can re-establish control.”

– analysts estimate this could push oil prices up towards $150 a barrel. Alternative oil producers such as Russia, Nigeria and Angola might benefit, but rising fuel costs would likely undercut growth everywhere. China, Iran’s main export destination, would have to seek supplies elsewhere.

– Other financial markets would suffer and fall sharply if they believed disruption would be long term.

– Israeli markets are likely to be affected by the wider frenzy, although probably less than volatile emerging markets.

Key unknowns:

– how long could Iran maintain its blockade? Military analysts believe its handful of mine-laying ships, helicopters and submarines might quickly be neutralised by the US military.

SPARKING WIDER CONFLICT

Ultimately, the consequences of an Israeli strike on Iran are hard to predict. At worst, it could fuel an upsurge in wider regional violence.

“I worry a great deal about the unintended consequences of a strike,” Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen said on a recent visit to Israel.

– a more violent Middle East would put an inherently higher risk premium on oil, pushing up prices and possibly undermining global recovery from the financial crisis. It might also drive consuming nations towards non-Middle Eastern suppliers and alternative technologies.

– investors would also view Israel as much higher risk, while much higher defence spending would weigh on the economy.

Key unknowns:

– duration and severity of any conflict. Would the world’s wider powers – China, Russia, the United States and European Union in particular – move towards a consensus on the Middle East or would the conflict exacerbate their differences further?

(Editing by Samia Nakhoul/Janet McBride)

Global impact if Israel strikes Iran

Mon, Mar 29 05:17 PM

If Israel were to strike Iran over its nuclear activities, markets would be watching one thing only – Iran’s response.

The scale of that response could be the difference between a brief spike in oil prices and pushing the world back to economic crisis.

Below are possible scenarios together with projected potential market reactions suggested by analysts, economists and foreign policy strategists.

NO IMMEDIATE REACTION

Tehran announces that Israel’s military attacked civilian locations but inflicted little damage. It hurls furious rhetoric at Israel but stops short of any military response.

It may make sense for the Iranians to play the victim, said IHS Global Insight Middle East analyst Gala Riani. They may also use it to build the regime’s legitimacy internally.

* News of the strike would see oil prices spike $10-$20 and wider investor flight to safer assets such as U.S. treasuries, while equities and risky currencies would suffer. But without further action, sentiment would recover.

-* Relatively used to conflict, Israeli markets might prove more resilient to the initial news. Some analysts suggest that a successful strike that significantly put back an Iranian nuclear programme could be positive for Israeli markets.

Key unknowns:

* Assessing the effectiveness of an attack on Iranian facilities could prove almost impossible. The longer-term impact of the strikes on Iran’s internal politics, regional politics and Western support for Israel would be hard to predict.

* Can Israel achieve its aims with a single strike, or would it require a more sustained operation potentially lasting several days and hitting markets much harder?

PROXY RETALIATION

Iran steers clear of any overt response, but backs intensifying attacks by Hamas from the Palestinian territories and by Hezbollah from Lebanon. It might also back proxy attacks on Western forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The most likely response would be to increase their subversive activity across the Middle East, said IHS’s Riani. It would most likely be focused in Palestine, Lebanon and to a lesser extent around the Gulf.

* Might have some short-term impact on oil prices — particularly if the attacks included Iraq — but generally global markets would be little affected.

* Israeli markets would likely take initial attacks in their stride, but a prolonged campaign would drag on the economy, driving up defence spending and undermining markets as they did during the Palestinian Intifada.

Key unknowns:

* The duration of increased violence. Proxy violence could escalate to include militant attacks on Western and oil targets.

* If Hezbollah strikes Israel, Israel will retaliate in a way that quickly expands the conflict. Israel has threatened to hold the governments of Lebanon and Syria responsible for any Hezbollah attacks.

MISSILES STRIKE ISRAEL

Iran retaliates by launching ballistic missiles with conventional warheads. While more accurate than the Scuds launched by Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein at Israel during the 1991 Gulf War, damage from each strike would be limited.

It’s certainly not something you can rule out, said Metsa Rahimi, intelligence analyst for risk consultancy Janusian. The Iranians are going to want to retaliate. But they know if they do this, they are going to get hit back again.

* oil prices would certainly spike higher, although attacks on Israeli cities would not directly have any impact on oil production. Wider global markets would sell off and watch nervously for any further escalation.

* Israeli markets might again prove more resilient. They actually rallied in January 1991 during the missile attacks as it became clear the strikes were not chemical and not causing significant damage. Much would depend on the level of damage and for how long any missile barrage continued.

Key unknowns:

* Israeli and Western reaction. Would there be further retaliation? Would weapons used remain conventional?

* Would Israel strike military targets and civilian infrastructure in Iran, possibly including oil facilities? That would push-up prices and force primary customer China to look for supplies elsewhere.

CLOSING HORMUZ

Iran makes good its threat to close the Straits of Hormuz to traffic, blocking the flow of some 17 million barrels a day of oil, roughly 40 percent of all seaborne oil trade — but likely inviting swift retaliation from United States forces.

Iran doesn’t even need to be successful in their threat, said Michael Wittner, global head of energy research at Societe Generale. Even a credible threat or near miss and insurance rates will spike. Then no one’s going to send any oil through there for a couple of weeks until somebody’s navy can re-establish control.

* Analysts estimate this could push oil prices up towards $150 a barrel. Alternative oil producers such as Russia, Nigeria and Angola might benefit, but rising fuel costs would likely undercut growth everywhere. China, Iran’s main export destination, would have to seek supplies elsewhere.

* Other financial markets would suffer and fall sharply if they believed disruption would be long term.

* Israeli markets are likely to be affected by the wider frenzy, although probably less than volatile emerging markets.

Key unknowns:

* How long could Iran maintain its blockade? Military analysts believe its handful of mine-laying ships, helicopters and submarines might quickly be neutralised by the US military.

SPARKING WIDER CONFLICT

Ultimately, the consequences of an Israeli strike on Iran are hard to predict. At worst, it could fuel an upsurge in wider regional violence.

I worry a great deal about the unintended consequences of a strike, Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen said on a recent visit to Israel.

* a more violent Middle East would put an inherently higher risk premium on oil, pushing up prices and possibly undermining global recovery from the financial crisis. It might also drive consuming nations towards non-Middle Eastern suppliers and alternative technologies.

* Investors would also view Israel as much higher risk, while much higher defence spending would weigh on the economy.

Key unknowns:

* Duration and severity of any conflict. Would the world’s wider powers – China, Russia, the United States and European Union in particular – move towards a consensus on the Middle East or would the conflict exacerbate their differences further?
Reuters

China more concerned about Iran, wary on sanctions

China has become more concerned about international tensions over Iran’s nuclear program, but remains doubtful that sanctions can resolve the stand-off, the Chinese foreign minister said on Tuesday.

World | China

Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi was speaking after talks with visiting British Foreign Secretary (minister) David Miliband, where one of the key issues on the table was Iran.

Yang’s comments suggested that he had given little ground on Western calls that Beijing back proposed new sanctions over Tehran’s disputed nuclear activities, which China could block as a veto-wielding permanent member of the U.N. Security Council.

“Regarding the Iran nuclear issue, I wish to point out that this issue is the subject of widespread attention in the international community,” Yang told reporters.

“China has become more concerned about the current situation,” he said, adding that Beijing was still seeking a diplomatic solution.

Western powers say Iran wants the means to make nuclear weapons and has violated non-proliferation safeguards. German Chancellor Angela Merkel said on Monday that the time had come for new sanctions.

Iran says its uranium enrichment activities are to make fuel for planned nuclear power plants.

China has resisted calls to tighten the economic screws on one of its major suppliers of oil, and Yang repeated Beijing’s long-standing position that sanctions could not resolve the tensions. But he stopped short of outright opposition.

“I have said before that sanctions do not provide a fundamental solution to the Iranian nuclear issue, ultimately this issue has to be resolved through peaceful negotiations,” he said.

“We will continue to make active efforts to bring about a diplomatic solution to the Iran nuclear issue.”

“SHARED GOAL”

A draft Western proposal calls for restricting more Iranian banks abroad, but does not press for sanctions against Iran’s oil and gas industries.

At the news briefing, Miliband described tackling Iran’s nuclear program as a “test for all of us” and noted that China had registered its increasing concern.

“We have a shared goal in ensuring that Iran lives by its commitments under the non-proliferation treaty, and we are going to work very closely together to achieve it,” he added.

China is one of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, each holding the power to veto resolutions. It backed previous Iran resolutions, after working to cut measures that could threaten flows of oil and Chinese investments.

In 2009, Iran was China’s third biggest source of imported crude oil, behind Angola and top supplier Saudi Arabia. Iran supplied China with 23.1 million metric tonnes of crude, or 11.4 percent of China’s total crude imports.

While Beijing abstains from Security Council votes on decisions it dislikes, it is much less willing to use its veto and risk diplomatic isolation, especially if fellow Security Council member Russia backs a resolution.

(Reporting by Emma Graham-Harrison; Editing by Alex Richardson)

Britain looks to China to pressure Iran

(Reuters) – China and Britain agree on pressing Iran about its nuclear activities while seeking engagement, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said on Monday at the start of a visit to China that is likely to focus on the dispute.

World | China

Miliband said the two powers — both permanent members of the U.N. Security Council — shared an interest in ensuring Tehran abides by Security Council resolutions seeking to curb the “real threat” of its nuclear activities.

“Britain and China have not only agreed on the goal that Iran should respect the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, but also respect that we need to keep a combination of engagement and pressure,” Miliband told reporters at the Shanghai World Expo site, shortly before flying to Beijing.

The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty is the pact seeking to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons beyond the formally recognized nuclear-armed states, including China and Britain.

But despite Miliband’s upbeat comments, his talks in Beijing about Iran — one of China’s major oil suppliers — could be one of the most difficult parts of his three-day trip.

Western powers want China to approve a proposed U.N. resolution imposing new sanctions on Tehran, which they say is seeking the means to make nuclear weapons and has violated non-proliferation safeguards.

Beijing however has previously resisted calls for harsh sanctions against Iran. And as one of the five permanent members of the Security Council, it has the power to veto any resolution.

Miliband’s meetings in the Chinese capital include one with Premier Wen Jiabao, when they will discuss “how we can address the real threat that the Iranian nuclear program poses to international stability and security,” the foreign minister said during an afternoon visit to a training center for peacekeeping police outside Beijing.

Tehran denies that its nuclear program is aimed at developing weapons and says it wants to enrich uranium to power planned electricity plants.

GREATER OPENNESS

Miliband also urged China to do more to open its economy and improve intellectual property rights protections.

“Foreign investors seek transparency and fair competition so they can be confident in their investment,” Miliband said.

China and Britain have recently sparred over climate change negotiations and Beijing’s stance on human rights, after China executed a Briton for drug smuggling, although his family said there was convincing evidence that he was mentally ill.

“We don’t pretend to agree on everything,” said Miliband. “Our relationship is one of many layers and one of growing strength and growing engagement.”

(Editing by Emma Graham-Harrison)

Despite IAEA findings, Iran sings its old nuke-for-peaceful-purposes tune

Tehran, Sep. 18 (ANI): Even as a secret IAEA report revealed that Iran is capable of making a nuclear bomb and is developing a missile system to carry an atomic warhead, Iranian officials have reiterated claims that the Islamic nation’s nuclear program is intended for peaceful purposes.

Fox News quoted Iran’s ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency, Ali Asghar Soltanieh, as saying that Iran is sincere in wanting to negotiate with the West.

He added that Western countries should “read between the lines” about Iran’s intentions.

Although the prospects of finding anything between the lines were almost nil after the surfacing of the IAEA report, but Soltanieh insisted that discussions with the West would be a “real, new window of opportunity.”

The secret U.N. watchdog report, titled “Possible Military Dimension of Iran’s Nuclear Program,” concludes:

*Iran worked on developing a chamber inside a ballistic missile capable of housing a warhead payload “that is quite likely to be nuclear.”

*Iran engaged in “probable testing” of explosives commonly used to detonate a nuclear warhead – a method known as a “full-scale hemispherical explosively driven shock system.”

*Iran worked on developing a system “for initiating a hemispherical high explosive charge” of the kind used to help spark a nuclear blast.

“Iran has sufficient information to be able to design and produce a workable implosion nuclear device (an atomic bomb) based on HEU (highly enriched uranium) as the fission fuel,” The agency assessed.

On October 1, Iran is scheduled to meet with the U.S. and five other world powers seeking curbs on its atomic activities for the first time in more than a year.

However, Tehran says it is not prepared to discuss its nuclear activities. (ANI)

Israel accuses IAEA of hiding critical information on Iran’s nuclear progress

Jerusalem, Aug. 30 (ANI): Israel has accused the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of “hiding critical information on Iran’s nuclear progress” despite criticizing the country in its report for defying United Nations Security Council decisions.

“This is a harsh report, but it does not reflect all the information possessed by the IAEA on Iranian efforts to advance its military program, on its continuing efforts to hide and deceive, and on [Iran's] noncooperation with the IAEA and the demands of the international community,” The Jerusalem Post quoted Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor, as saying.

In the report, IAEA officials had said that Iran was stonewalling the agency about “possible military dimensions” to its program. IAEA said it had pressed Iran to clarify its uranium enrichment activities and reassure the world that it’s not trying to build an atomic weapon.

While Israeli officials would not give details about the information the IAEA was allegedly hiding, “we’re talking about information that would be far more incriminating for Iran,” a senior Israeli official said.

“The 35 member states of the IAEA can’t let [the organization] get away with hiding critical information on the dangers of the Iranian program,” the official added.

Meanwhile, the Iranian government reacted positively to the report’s publication.

The report confirmed “that Iran’s nuclear activities are peaceful,” Iran’s envoy to the IAEA Ali Asghar Soltanieh said on Saturday.

“It shows Iran has continued its cooperation with the agency … but at the same time will not accept any political pressure to take measures beyond its legal commitments,” he added.

But the Vienna-based agency bluntly stated: “Iran has not suspended its enrichment-related activities.

“There remain a number of outstanding issues which give rise to concerns and which need to be clarified to exclude the existence of possible military dimensions to Iran’s nuclear program,” according to the report. (ANI)